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United States Invasion of Panama Information

U.S. military: 250 United Nations: 500 CODEHUCA: 2,500–3,000 CONADEHUPA: 3,500 1 Spanish journalist killed[3][4]

Operation Just Cause

The United States Invasion of Panama, code-named Operation Just Cause, was the invasion of Panama by the United States in December 1989. It occurred during the administration of U.S. President George H. W. Bush, and ten years after the Torrijos–Carter Treaties were ratified to transfer control of the Panama Canal from the United States to Panama by the year 2000.

During the invasion, de facto Panamanian leader, general, and dictator Manuel Noriega was deposed, president-elect Guillermo Endara sworn into office, and the Panamanian Defense Force dissolved.

Contents

Background

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The Torrijos–Carter Treaties, which set in motion the process of handing over the Panama Canal to Panamanian control, was signed by President of the United States Jimmy Carter and President of Panama Omar Torrijos on September 7, 1977. U.S. relations with General Noriega spanned the latter half of the Cold War between the United States and Soviet Union, when Noriega served as a U.S. intelligence asset and paid informant of the Central Intelligence Agency. Noriega worked as an asset for the U.S. since 1967, including when Bush was head (1976–77) of the CIA.[5]

Noriega had sided with the U.S. rather than the USSR in Central America, notably in sabotaging the forces of the Soviet-backed government in Nicaragua, the Sandinistas, and the revolutionaries of the FMLN group in El Salvador. Noriega received upwards of $100,000 per year from the 1960s until the 1980s, when his salary was increased to $200,000 per year, for his loyalty and efforts against the much better-funded, Soviet-backed proto-autocrats.[6] Although he worked with the Drug Enforcement Administration to restrict illegal drug shipments, he was known to simultaneously accept significant financial support from drug dealers,[5] because he facilitated the laundering of drug money, and through Noriega they received protection from DEA investigations due to his special relationship with the CIA.[7]

Beginning in 1986, U.S. President Ronald Reagan negotiated with General Noriega, requesting that the Panamanian leader peacefully step down after Noriega was publicly exposed in the New York Times by Seymour Hersh, and later exposed in the Iran-Contra Scandal.[8] Reagan pressured him with several drug-related indictments in U.S. courts; however, since extradition laws between Panama and the U.S. were weak, Noriega deemed this threat incredible and did not bend to Reagan's efforts.[9] In 1988, Elliot Abrams and members of the Pentagon began pushing for a U.S. invasion, but Reagan refused, due to Bush's ties to Noriega through his previous positions with the CIA and the Task Force on Drugs, and their negative impact on Bush's presidential campaign.[10] Later negotiations involved dropping the drug-trafficking indictments. In March 1988, an attempted coup against the government of Panama was resisted by Noriega's forces. In May 1989, during the Panamanian national elections, an alliance of parties opposed to the military dictatorship of Noriega counted results from the country's election precincts before they were sent to the district centers. Their tally showed their candidate, Guillermo Endara, defeating Carlos Duque, candidate of a pro-Noriega coalition, by a nearly 3-to-1 margin. Endara was beaten up by Noriega supporters the next day in his motorcade.[5] Noriega declared the election null and maintained power by force, making him unpopular among Panamanians. Noriega's government insisted that it had won the presidential election and that irregularities had been on the part of U.S.-backed candidates from opposition parties.[11] Bush called on Noriega to honor the will of the Panamanian people.[5]

A US Marine Corps LAV-25 in Panama

In October 1989, Noriega foiled a second coup attempt by members of the PDF, led by Major Moisés Giroldi.[12] Pressure mounted on Bush as the media labeled him a "wimp" for failing to aid Panama in spite of campaign rhetoric that called for a tough stand against known drug traffickers.[5] Bush declared that the U.S. would not negotiate with a known drug trafficker and denied having any knowledge of Noriega's involvement with the drug trade prior to his February 1988 indictment, although Bush had met with Noriega while Director of the CIA and had been the Chair of the Task Force on Drugs while Vice President.[13] Bush's allegations that forces under Noriega's command had shot and killed an unarmed American serviceman, wounded another, and arrested and brutally beaten a third and then brutally interrogated his wife, threatening her with sexual abuse, were cited by U.S. Ambassador Thomas R. Pickering to the United Nations Security Council as sufficient grounds for invasion as an act of self-defense within Article 51 of the UN charter.[14]

Three incidents in particular occurred very near the time of the invasion and were cited by President Bush as reasons for invasion.[15] In an incident on December 16, four U.S. military personnel were stopped at a roadblock outside PDF headquarters in the El Chorrillo neighborhood of Panama City. The U.S. Department of Defense claimed that the servicemen had been unarmed and in a private vehicle and that they attempted to flee the scene only after their vehicle was surrounded by a crowd of civilians and PDF troops. The PDF, in contrast, claimed that the Americans were armed and on a reconnaissance mission. None of the U.S. personnel were injured or killed in the incident.[16]

U.S. Marine 2nd Lt. Robert Paz, returning from a restaurant in Panama City, was stopped and harassed. As he attempted to flee, he was shot and killed.[17] The Los Angeles Times claimed that "according to American military and civilian sources" the officer killed was a member of the "Hard Chargers",[18] a group whose goal was to agitate members of the PDF. It was also alleged that the group's "tactics were well known by ranking U.S. officers" who were frustrated by "Panamanian provocations committed under dictator Manuel A. Noriega", although the group was not officially sanctioned by the military.[18] The U.S. Marine Corps denied that such a group ever existed.[19] According to an official U.S. military report, "witnesses to the incident, a U.S. naval officer and his wife were assaulted by Panamanian Defense Force soldiers while in police custody".[20]

United States' justification for the invasion

The official U.S. justification for the invasion was articulated by President George H. W. Bush on the morning of December 20, 1989, a few hours after the start of the operation. Bush listed four reasons for the invasion:[21]

U.S. military forces were instructed to begin maneuvers and activities within the restrictions of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties, such as ignoring PDF roadblocks and conducting short-notice "Category Three" military exercises on security-sensitive targets, with the express goal of provoking PDF soldiers. U.S. SOUTHCOM kept a list of abuses against U.S. servicemen and civilians by the PDF while the orders to incite PDF soldiers were in place.[10] As for the Panamanian legislature's declaration of a state of war between the U.S. and Panama, Noriega insists[22] that this statement referred to a state of war directed by the U.S. against Panama, in the form of what he claimed were harsh economic sanctions and constant, provocative military maneuvers (Operations Purple Storm and Sand Flea)[23] that were prohibited by the Torrijos-Carter Treaties. The U.S. had turned a blind eye to Noriega's involvement in drug trafficking since the 1970s. Noriega was then singled out for direct involvement in these drug trafficking operations due to the widespread public knowledge of his involvement in money laundering, drug activities, political murder, and human rights abuses.[8] Panama, before the contended declaration of war against the U.S., had instigated no hostile actions against any other country.

Bush's four reasons for the invasion provided sufficient justification to establish bipartisan Congressional approval and support for the invasion. However, the secrecy before initiation, the speed and success of the invasion itself, and U.S. public support for it (80% public approval) did not allow Democrats to object to Bush's decision to use military force.[24] Contemporary studies reveal a high probability that Bush decided to invade for domestic political reasons, citing scarce strategic reasoning for the U.S. to invade and immediate withdrawal without establishing the structure to enforce the interests that Bush used to justify the invasion.[24] Two days before the invasion, on December 18, Panama announced that the U.S. was planning an invasion of Panama.

Invasion

Tactical map of Operation Just Cause showing major points of attack. Elements of 1st Bn, 509th Infantry parachuting into a drop zone outside of Panama City.

The U.S. Army, U.S. Air Force, U.S. Navy, and U.S. Marines participated in Operation Just Cause. Ground forces consisted of combat elements of the XVIII Airborne Corps, the 82nd Airborne Division, the 7th Infantry Division (Light), the 75th Ranger Regiment, a Joint Special Operations Task Force, elements of the 5th Infantry Division (1st Battalion, 61st US Infantry and 4th Battalion, 6th United States Infantry (replacing 1\61st in September 1989)), 1138th Military Police Company of the Missouri Army National Guard, 193rd Infantry Brigade, 508th Infantry Regiment, the 59th Engineer Co. (Sappers), Marine Security Forces Battalion Panama, and elements from the 3rd Battalion, 6th Marine Regiment, Marine Fleet Antiterrorism Security Teams, 2nd Armored Infantry Battalion, and 2nd Marine Logistics Group 39th Combat Engineer Btn. Charlie Co.

The military incursion into Panama began on December 20, 1989, at 1:00 a.m. local time. The operation involved 27,684 U.S. troops and over 300 aircraft, including C-130 Hercules tactical transports flown by the 317th Tactical Airlift Wing (which was equipped with the Adverse Weather Aerial Delivery System or AWADS) and 314th Tactical Airlift Wing, AC-130 Spectre gunship, OA-37B Dragonfly observation and attack aircraft, C-141 Starlifter strategic transports, F-117A Nighthawk stealth aircraft flown by the 37th Tactical Fighter Wing, and AH-64 Apache attack helicopter. The invasion of Panama was the first combat deployment for the AH-64, the HMMWV, and the F-117A. Panamanian radar units were jammed by two EF-111As of the 390th ECS, 366th TFW.[25] These aircraft were deployed against the 46,000 members of the PDF.[26]

The operation began with an assault of strategic installations, such as the civilian Punta Paitilla Airport in Panama City and a PDF garrison and airfield at Rio Hato, where Noriega also maintained a residence. U.S. Navy SEALs destroyed Noriega's private jet and a Panamanian gunboat. A Panamanian ambush killed four SEALs and wounded nine. Other military command centers throughout the country were also attacked. The attack on the central headquarters of the PDF (referred to as La Comandancia) touched off several fires, one of which destroyed most of the adjoining and heavily populated El Chorrillo neighborhood in downtown Panama City. During the firefight at the Comandancia, the PDF downed two special operations helicopters and forced one OH-6 Little Bird to crash-land in the Panama Canal.[20]

Fort Amador was secured by elements of the 1st Battalion (Airborne), 508th Parachute Infantry Regiment, and 59th Engineer Company (sappers) in a nighttime air assault which secured the fort in the early hours of December 20. Fort Amador was a key position because of its relationship to the large oil farms adjacent to the canal, the Bridge of the Americas over the canal, and the Pacific entrance to the Panama Canal. Key command and control elements of the PDF were stationed there. C co. 1st Battalion (Airborne) 508th PIR was assigned the task of securing La Commandancia. Furthermore, Fort Amador had a large U.S. housing district that needed to be secured to prevent the PDF from taking U.S. citizens as hostages. This position also protected the left flank of the attack on the Comadancia and the securing of the El Chorrillos neighbourhood, guarded by Dignity Battalions, Noriega supporters that the U.S. forces sometimes referred to as "Dingbats".

A few hours after the invasion began, Guillermo Endara was sworn in at Rodman Naval Station. It is generally agreed that Endara would have been the victor in the presidential election which had been scheduled earlier that year.[27] The 1138th Military Police Company of the Missouri Army National Guard set up a detainee camp at Empire Range to handle the mass of civilian and military detainees. This unit made history by being the first Guard unit called into active service since the Vietnam War.

Noriega's capture

Main articles: Manuel Antonio Noriega and Operation Nifty Package

Operation Nifty Package was an operation launched by Navy SEALs to prevent Noriega's escape. They sank Noriega's boat and destroyed his jet, at a cost of four killed and nine wounded. Military operations continued for several weeks, mainly against military units of the Panamanian army. Noriega remained at large for several days, but realizing he had few options in the face of a massive manhunt and a $1 million reward for his capture, he obtained refuge in the Vatican diplomatic mission in Panama City. The U.S. military's psychological pressure on him and diplomatic pressure on the Vatican mission, however, was relentless, as was the playing of loud rock-and-roll music day and night in a densely populated area.[28] The report of the Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff maintains that the music was used principally to prevent parabolic microphones from being used to eavesdrop on negotiations, and not as a psychological weapon based around Noriega's supposed loathing of rock music.[20] Noriega finally surrendered to the U.S. military on January 3, 1990. He was immediately put on an MC-130E Combat Talon I aircraft and flown to the U.S.

While some U.S. Marine units continued their deployment, others that had been deployed since October 3, 1989, began returning on January 12, 1990. Along with units of the 193rd Infantry Brigade, 508th Airborne Infantry, and 59th Engineer Company (Sapper) 16th Military Police Brigade, these units continued "police" patrols throughout Panama City and areas west of the canal to restore law and order and support the newly installed government (under the moniker "Operation Promote Liberty"). Two of these units were 5th BN 21st Infantry (Light) of the 7th Light Infantry Division and the 555th Military Police, who had been in the country since December 20, 1989. Another was Kilo Co. 3BN 6MAR, initially deployed on October 1, 1989, and remaining deployed in the jungles surrounding Howard Air Force Base until April 1990. All three of these units fought the PDF and then trained the Panamanian Police Force, composed of former PDF members.

Casualties

There is more agreement about the number of U.S. military casualties but less agreement on the number of civilian or Panamanian casualties. Reports suggest that the U.S. lost 23 troops[29] and 325 were wounded (WIA). The U.S. Southern Command, then based on Quarry Heights in Panama, estimated the number of Panamanian military dead at 205, lower than its original estimate of 314.

There has been considerable controversy over the number of Panamanian civilian casualties resulting from the invasion. The Southern Command estimated that number at 200. Civilian fatalities include an American schoolteacher working in Panama and Spanish freelance press photographer José Manuel Rodríguez. According to official Pentagon figures, 516 Panamanians were killed during the invasion; however, an internal Army memo estimated the number at 1,000.[30]

The UN estimated 500 deaths.[31] The Association of the Dead of 20 Dec. estimated 4,000 deaths.[2] The Commission for the Defense of Human Rights in Central America (CODEHUCA) estimated 2,500–3,000 deaths, and the Commission for the Defense of Human Rights in Panama (Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos de Panamá, CONADEHUPA) estimated 3,500 deaths.[32] Physicians for Human Rights, in a report issued one year after the invasion,[33] estimated that "at least 300 Panamanian civilians died due to the invasion"; another, by former Attorney General Ramsey Clark, claimed over 4,000 deaths.[34] The report also concluded that "neither Panamanian nor U.S. governments provided a careful accounting of non-lethal injuries" and that "relief efforts were inadequate to meet the basic needs of thousands of civilians made homeless by the invasion". The report estimated the number of displaced civilians to be over 15,000, whereas the U.S. military provided support for only 3,000 of these. Other estimates have suggested that between 2,000 and 5,000 civilians died, with some arguing that this was a result of use of excessive force and novel weapons by the U.S. military.

A US Army M113 in Panama

Human Rights Watch's 1991 report on Panama in the post-invasion aftermath stated that even with some uncertainties about the scale of civilian casualties, the figures are "still troublesome" because

[Panama's civilian deaths] reveal that the "surgical operation" by American forces inflicted a toll in civilian lives that was at least four-and-a-half times higher than military casualties in the enemy, and twelve or thirteen times higher than the casualties suffered by U.S. troops. By themselves these ratios suggest that the rule of proportionality and the duty to minimize harm to civilians, where doing so would not compromise a legitimate military objective, were not faithfully observed by the invading U.S. forces. For us, the controversy over the number of civilian casualties should not obscure the important debate on the manner in which those people died.[35]

Origin of the name "Operation Just Cause"

Operation plans directed against Panama evolved from plans designed to defend the Panama Canal. They became more aggressive as the situation between the two nations deteriorated. The Prayer Book series of plans included rehearsals for a possible clash (Operation Purple Storm) and missions to secure U.S. sites (Operation Bushmaster). Eventually these plans became Operation Blue Spoon, which was renamed by President Bush Operation Just Cause.

The Pentagon renamed the operation "Just Cause" in order to sustain the perceived legitimacy of the invasion throughout the operation.[36] General Colin Powell said that he liked the name because "even our severest critics would have to utter 'Just 'Cause' while denouncing us."[37]

The post-invasion civil-military operation designed to stabilize the situation, support the U.S.-installed government, and restore basic services was originally planned as "Operation Blind Logic", but was renamed "Operation Promote Liberty" by the Pentagon on the eve of the invasion.[38]

The Panamanian name for the Operation is La Invasión ("The Invasion").

The original operation, in which U.S troops were deployed to Panama in the spring of 1989, was called "Operation Nimrod Dancer".[39]

Local and international reactions

The invasion of Panama provoked international outrage. Some countries charged that the U.S. had committed an act of aggression by invading Panama and was trying to conceal a new manifestation of its interventionist policy of force in Latin America. On December 29, the General Assembly of the United Nations voted 75–20, with 40 abstentions, to condemn the invasion as a flagrant violation of international law.[40]

On December 22, the Organization of American States passed a resolution deploring the invasion and calling for withdrawal of U.S. troops, as well as a resolution condemning the violation of the diplomatic status of the Nicaraguan Embassy in Panama by U.S. Special Forces who had entered the building.[41] At the UN Security Council, after discussing the issue over several days, a draft resolution demanding the immediate withdrawal of U.S. forces from Panama[42] was vetoed on December 23 by three of the permanent members of the Security Council,[43] France, United Kingdom, and the United States, who cited its right of self-defense of 35,000 Americans present on the Panama Canal.[44]

Peru recalled its ambassador from the U.S. in protest of the invasion.

Some claim that the Panamanian people overwhelmingly supported the invasion.[45] According to a CBS poll, 92% of Panamanian adults supported the U.S. incursion, and 76% wished that U.S. forces had invaded in October during the coup.[45] However, others dispute this finding, asserting that the Panamanian surveys were conducted in wealthy, English-speaking neighborhoods in Panama City, among Panamanians most likely to support U.S. actions.[46]

In 2006, one author opined that "President Bush had not defended the hemisphere against European aggression under the guise of the Monroe Doctrine, or used the threat of Communist proliferation to take action, but instead he had used the US military to remove a hostile and problematic Latin American dictator from power because it was in the best interests of the United States to do so."[47]

Eighteen years after the invasion, Panama's National Assembly unanimously declared December 20 2007 to be a day of national mourning. The resolution was vetoed by President Torrijos.[48][49]

According to Robert Pastor, a former U.S. national security advisor, 74% of Americans polled approved of the action.[45] Studies by Jeff Cohen and others of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting have attributed this support to the mainstream media's intentional exclusion of critical viewpoints from television reporting preceding the invasion.[50]

The Washington Post disclosed several rulings of the Office of Legal Counsel, issued shortly before the invasion, in regards to the U.S. armed forces being charged with making an arrest abroad. One ruling interpreted the Executive Order against Assassination of Foreign Leaders, which prohibits the intentional killing of foreign leaders, as suggesting that accidental killings would be acceptable foreign policy. Another ruling concluded that the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, which prohibits the armed forces from making arrests without Congressional authorization, is effective only within the boundaries of the U.S., such that the military could be used as a police force abroad—for example, in Panama, to enforce a federal court warrant against Noriega.[51]

Aftermath

20,000 were displaced from their homes. Disorder continued for nearly two weeks. A lawsuit brought by 60 Panamanian companies alleged negligence and disregard for property.

Guillermo Endara, in hiding, was sworn in as president by a judge on the night preceding the invasion. In later years, he staged a hunger strike, calling attention to the poverty and homelessness left in the wake of both the Noriega years and the destruction caused by the U.S. invasion.[52] For nearly two weeks after the invasion, there was widespread looting and lawlessness, a contingency that the U.S. military indicated it had not anticipated. This looting inflicted catastrophic losses on many Panamanian businesses, some of which took several years to recover.

On July 19, 1990, a group of 60 companies based in Panama filed a lawsuit against the U.S. government in Federal District Court in New York City alleging that the U.S. action against Panama was "done in a tortuous, careless and negligent manner with disregard for the property of innocent Panamanian residents". Most of the businesses had insurance, but the insurers either went bankrupt or refused to pay, claiming that acts of war are not covered.[53]

About 20,000 people lost their homes and became refugees as a result of urban warfare. About 2,700 families that were displaced by the Chorrillo fire were each given $6,500 by the U.S. to build a new house or apartment in selected areas in or near the city. However, numerous problems were reported with the new constructions just two years after the invasion.[54]

The government of Guillermo Endara designated the first anniversary of the U.S. invasion a "national day of reflection". On that day hundreds of Panamanians marked the day with a "black march" through the streets of Panama City to denounce the U.S. invasion and Endara's economic policies. Protesters echoed claims that 3,000 people were killed as a result of U.S. military action. Since Noriega's ouster, Panama has had four presidential elections, with candidates from opposing parties succeeding each other in the Palacio de las Garzas. Panama's press, however, is still subject to numerous restrictions.[55] On February 10, 1990, the Endara government abolished Panama's military and reformed the security apparatus by creating the Panamanian Public Forces. In 1994, a constitutional amendment permanently abolished the military of Panama. Concurrent with a severe recession in Latin America throughout the 1990s, Panama's GDP recovered by 1993, but very high unemployment remained a serious problem.

Noriega was brought to the U.S. to await trial. One of the charges brought against him was dropped when what had been widely reported as 50 kilograms of cocaine was revealed to be tamales.[56]

Timeline

Information in this section[23]

September 1987

November 1987

February 1988

March 1988

April 1988

May 1989

June–September 1989

October 1989

December 1989

D-Day, December 20, 1989

January 3, 1990 (D-Day + 14)

January 31, 1990 (D-Day + 42, official date recognized by the U.S. Department of Veteran Affairs)[58]

September 1994 (D-Day + approximately 4.5 years)

Major operations and U.S. units involved

Operations

All 27 objectives related to the Panamanian Defense Force were completed on D-Day, December 20, 1989. As initial forces moved to new objectives, follow-on forces from the 7th Infantry Division (L) moved into the western areas of Panama and into Panama City.

December 19, 1989 (D-Day - 1)

December 20, 1989 (D-Day)

December 21, 1989 (D-Day + 1)

December 22, 1989 (D-Day + 2)

December 23, 1989 (D-Day + 3)

December 24, 1989 (D-Day + 4)

December 25, 1989 (D-Day + 5)

January 3, 1990 (D-Day + 14)

January 31, 1990 (D-Day + 42, official date as recognized on DD214's and VA Benefit Records)

Above information[23]http://www.vetcenter.va.gov/Eligibility.asp

September 1994 (D-Day + approximately 4.5 years)

United States military forces involved in Operation Just Cause

US soldiers at La Comandancia

United States Southern Command[59][60]

United States Marine Corps

United States Special Operations Command

United States Air Force

United States Navy

Related operations

See also

Notes and references

  1. ^ Operation Just Cause: the Invasion of Panama, December 1989
  2. ^ a b The Panama Deception (1992 Academy Award Winning Documentary)
  3. ^ U.S. Sued in Death of a Journalist in Panama NY Times, 24 June 1990
  4. ^ 'It's Been Worth It': Bush – U.S. Troops Take Control of Panama LA Times, 21 December 1989
  5. ^ a b c d e Jones, Howard. Crucible of Power: A History of U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1897. 2001, page 494.
  6. ^ Frederick Kempe, Divorcing the Dictator (New York, Putnam, 1990), pp. 26–30, 162
  7. ^ Cockburn, Alexander, and Clair Jeffrey. St. Whiteout: the CIA, Drugs, and the Press. London: Verso, 1998. Print.
  8. ^ a b "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations." National Security Archive Electronic Briefing 2. Print.
  9. ^ Buckley, Kevin. Panama: the Whole Story. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991. Print.
  10. ^ a b Oakley, Robert B., Michael J. Dziedzic, and Eliot M. Goldberg. Policing the New World Disorder: Peace Operations and Public Security. Washington, DC: National Defense UP, 1998. Print.
  11. ^ a report by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights concluded that numerous human rights violations occurred in Panama during Noriega's government Report on the situation of human rights in Panama. 9 November 1989.
  12. ^ Yates, Lawrence A., The US Military Intervention in Panama: Origins, Planning and Crises Management, June 1987 – December 1989. Washington, D.C.: Center of Military History, United States Army, 2008.
  13. ^ "The Noriega Challenge to George Bush's Credibility and the 1989 Invasion of Panama". 2000.
  14. ^ United Nations Security Council Verbatim Report meeting 2899 page 24, Mr Pickering United States of America on 20 December 1989 (retrieved 28 August 2008)
  15. ^ Federal News Service (21 December 1989). "Fighting in Panama: The President; A Transcript of Bush's Address on the Decision to Use Force in Panama". New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=950DE4D8143FF932A15751C1A96F948260.
  16. ^ Facts On File World News Digest, 22 December 1989, "U.S. Forces Invade Panama, Seize Wide Control; Noriega Eludes Capture." FACTS.com [1].
  17. ^ The Battle for Coco Solo Panama, 1989 by Evan A. Huelfer, Infantry Magazine, Jan–April, 2000
  18. ^ a b Los Angeles Times, '22 December 1990, "Some Blame Rogue Band of Marines for Picking Fight, Spurring Panama Invasion", Kenneth Freed.
  19. ^ Washington Post in The Panama Deception article, accessed 29 September 2008.
  20. ^ a b c Ronald H. Cole, Joint History Office, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. "Operation Just Cause: Panama" (PDF). http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/history/justcaus.pdf.
  21. ^ New York Times, 21 December 1989, "A Transcript of President Bush's Address on the Decision to Use Force".
  22. ^ Noriega, Manuel and Eisner, Peter. America's Prisoner — The Memoirs of Manuel Noriega. Random House, 1997.
  23. ^ a b c Operation Just Cause Historical Summary at GS.Org
  24. ^ a b Cramer, J. K. ""Just Cause" or Just Politics?: U.S. Panama Invasion and Standardizing Qualitative Tests for Diversionary War." Armed Forces & Society 32.2 (2006): 178–201. Print.
  25. ^ "366TH FIGHTER WING HISTORY". US Air Force. http://www.mountainhome.af.mil/library/factsheets/factsheet.asp?id=4278. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
  26. ^ Estados Unidos invade Panamá Crónica de una invasión anunciada, Patricia Pizzurno and Celestino Andrés Araúz. According to this piece, the PDF had 46,000 troops, all of which were trained for combat. "Para entonces las Fuerzas de Defensa poseían 16.000 efectivos, de los cuales apenas 3.000 estaban entrenados para el combate."
  27. ^ Los Angeles Times, 21 December 1989, "Combat in Panama, Operation Just Cause".
  28. ^ Baker, Russell (3 January 1990). "OBSERVER; Is This Justice Necessary?". The New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE5DF123FF930A35752C0A966958260. Retrieved 9 November 2007.
  29. ^ "US Invasion of Panama 1989". Wars of the World. http://www.onwar.com/aced/data/papa/panamaus1989.htm.
  30. ^ John Lindsay-Poland (2003). Emperors in the Jungle: The Hidden History of the U.S. in Panama. Duke University Press. ISBN 0-8223-3098-9, p. 118.
  31. ^ "Global Security". Operation Just Cause. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/ops/just_cause.htm.
  32. ^ Central American Human Rights Commission, Panama Delegation, "Report of Joint CODEHUCA-CONADEHUPA delegation," January–February 1990, San Jose, Costa Rica.
  33. ^ "Panama: "Operation Just Cause" – The Human Cost of the US Invasion". PHR Library. Physicians for Human Rights. http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/library/news-1990-12-16.html.
  34. ^ Operation Just Cause
  35. ^ [2] 7 April 1991 Human Rights in Post-Invasion Panama: Justice Delayed is Justice Denied
  36. ^ "Major William J. Conley Jr. , Operations "Just Cause" and "Promote Liberty" :The implications of Military operations other than war.". Small Wars Journal. http://smallwarsjournal.com/documents/conley.pdf.
  37. ^ Powell, Colin with Joseph E Persico. My American Journey. New York, Random House, 1995
  38. ^ a b c d "Lawrence Yates PhD ; Panama, 1988–1990 The Discontent between Combat and Stability Operations". Military Review May–June 2005. http://usacac.army.mil/CAC/milreview/download/English/MayJun05/yates.pdf.
  39. ^ "Operation Nimrod Dancer". Global Security. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/ops/nimrod_dancer.htm.
  40. ^ International Development Research Centre, "The Responsibility to Protect", December 2001,
  41. ^ New York Times, 21 December 1989, "U.S. Denounced by Nations Touchy About Intervention", James Brooke.
  42. ^ United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S-21048 on 22 December 1989 (retrieved 13 September 2007)
  43. ^ United Nations Security Council Verbatim Report meeting 2902 page 15 on 23 December 1989 (retrieved 13 September 2007)
  44. ^ United Nations Security Council Verbatim Report meeting 2902 page 10 on 22 December 1989 (retrieved 13 September 2007)
  45. ^ a b c Pastor, Robert A. Exiting the Whirlpool: U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean. 2001, page 96.
  46. ^ Trent, Barbara (Director) (31 July 1992) (Documentary film). The Panama Deception. Empowerment Project. http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0105089/.
  47. ^ Brewer, Stewart, "Borders and bridges: a history of U.S.-Latin American relations", Page 147
  48. ^ Panama's president vetoes law declaring anniversary of US invasion a 'day of mourning'
  49. ^ Panama marks '89 invasion as day of 'national mourning'
  50. ^ How Television Sold the Panama Invasion
  51. ^ Henkin, Louis. Right V. Might: International Law and the Use of Force. 1991, page 161-2.
  52. ^ "Guillermo Endara Galimany" Britannica
  53. ^ New York Times, 21 July 1990, "Panama Companies Sue U.S. for Damages".
  54. ^ Christian Science Monitor, 20 December 1991, "El Chorrillo Two years after the U.S. invaded Panama, those displaced by the war have new homes."
  55. ^ Attacks on the Press 2001: Panama – Committee to Protect Journalists
  56. ^ 50 kilos of Cocaine was tamales Washington Post 23 January,'1990 Retrieved 29 September 2008.
  57. ^ a b c "Operation Nimrod Dancer". Military. GS.Org. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/ops/nimrod_dancer.htm.
  58. ^ http://www.vetcenter.va.gov/Eligibility.asp
  59. ^ Operation Just Cause : Panama 1989
  60. ^ http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-0613102-131926/unrestricted/AppB(US).pdf
  61. ^ a b Operation Just Cause Historical Summary: Operation Just Cause Lessons Learned Volume I

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